Home > The Economy > Why Deleveraging Hurts So Much

Why Deleveraging Hurts So Much

from Jim  Stanford

Last Friday I had the honour of sharing the podium (and a good supper afterward) with Steve Keen, the awesome Australian economist who was recently named the winner of the “Revere Award” for most accurately forewarning of the global financial crisis.  In fact, that award was announced the same day we spoke together to the Politics in the Pub speaker’s series in Sydney.  Here is a link to a report and film clips (by Steve, on his Debtwatch blog site) of the night’s activities:

http://www.debtdeflation.com/blogs/2010/05/15/stanford-and-keen-double-bill/

In his closing remarks to the group, Steve Keen walked through a very interesting arithmetic exercise to reveal the importance of new credit creation to overall aggregate demand conditions (and hence, in a demand-constrained real world, to growth and employment).  The simulation was largely lost on the crowd (which had imbibed heartily throughout the proceedings – that being the whole point of “Politics in the Pub”).  But it did spark my interest in following up.  (For Steve’s original math, check his Debtwatch bulletin #43, at the same blog site noted above.)

Here I recreate, with full credit and thanks to Steve Keen, the logic of his argument, utilizing Canadian data.   The implication of Keen’s model is that the only reason the recession was not much worse in Canada (like Australia) is because of the surprising continued expansion of private indebtedness right through the downturn.  In both countries, this was entirely due to feverish activity in real estate markets (mostly the resale of properties, not new construction), sparked by near-zero interest rates and a healthy does of speculative greed.  That expansion of private debt, despite declining incomes, has pushed private debt ratios to record highs.  Clearly it cannot continue forever (although it’s not easy to predict exactly when it will turn around).

But the implication of Keen’s analysis is that when the expansion of the private debt burden does stop (as it must sometime), it will wreak disastrous results on spending power, GDP, and labour markets.  It’s not just that a decline in debt would be associated with another downturn; that’s something most of us are well aware of.  Because our economy has become so dependent in recent years on the rapid (and obviously unsustainable) expansion of private debt, merely stopping (or substantially slowing) the growth of that debt would knock a giant hole in aggregate spending – enough to send us into a double dip.

Here’s the logic, illustrated by two tables posted below.

First, keep in mind that total aggregate demand (or spending power) equals the incomes generated by real economic activity (ie. GDP), plus net new borrowing.  Table 1 shows that Canada’s private sector was borrowing heavily in the years leading into the crisis. At peak in 2007 (the last full year before the crisis hit), private debt expanded nearly 10%, with households leading the way but businesses close behind.  As the recession took hold, business borrowing slowed to a standstill.  But after barely catching a breath in fall 2008 (after the shock of Lehman Bros.), Canadian households kept on borrowing like there was no tomorrow, lured by the interest rate cuts.  Housing prices, which had earlier started to turn down, promptly took off.  The resulting real estate boom (so far reflected much more in agents’ commissions, not new home construction) has been a key source of the modest GDP growth generated since the recession’s trough a year ago.  The business sector, in contrast, does not share households’ optimism (perhaps a better word is “complacency”?): business credit has not budged since November 2008.

All that new borrowing (driven solely by households) adds to the ability of Canadians to spend on real output, imports, and assets (including real estate).  The relationship between this total purchasing power (aggregate demand) and actual production depends on whether total demand is growing, and on how it is divided between production and assets.

Keen’s point is that the rise in private debt provided an increasing share of total spending power in the years leading up to the crisis – one of the reasons he knew that boom couldn’t last.  Moreover, as debt becomes large relative to GDP, then those increases in debt become ever more important in order to sustain total aggregate demand (GDP plus new debt) and prevent a downturn in spending (which would be reflected in a combination of real recession, disinflation, and asset price deflation).

See Table 2 for an application of this model to the Canadian data.  In 2007, private debt grew (line 6 of Table 2) by over $200 billion (almost 10%), and this new debt accounted for 12% of aggregate demand that year (line 8).  With all that spending power, the economy grew rapidly.  As the economy slipped into recession, private debt growth slowed (and became 100% dependent on Canadian households being willing to keep pumping up those debt ratios).  For last year as a whole, private debt grew by half as much (under $100 billion), and accounted for half as large a share of GDP (6%).  The mere slowdown in private debt creation accounted for about half of the drop off in total private aggregate demand last year (which declined by almost $150 billion).  Continued private debt creation (again, 100% from households, none from businesses) combined with falling real incomes pushed the aggregate private sector debt burden to an all-time record of 170% of GDP (line 10 of Table 2).

(Just for perspective, remember that the federal government’s debt burden amounts to less than 35% of GDP.  Why does public debt attract so much attention and panic … while the far larger, and I would argue more dangerous, accumulation of private debt, is mostly ignored???  This reflects the Animal Farm-like mentality of most politicians and commentators: “Private debt good, public debt bad.”)

The dramatic actions of government partly offset this steep drop in private sector aggregate demand.  Almost $80 billion in new borrowing by governments at all levels (line 11 of Table 2) offset over half of the decline in total aggregate demand that otherwise would have occurred.  In other words, by this reckoning, the recession would have been twice as bad without those government deficits.  Keep that in mind as the balanced-budget fanatics now aim their cannons at your favourite social program.

Now, let’s try to extrapolate this analysis into the future.  The last three columns of Table 2 do that, utilizing a starting point for nominal GDP of $1.6 trillion – roughly where it will be by the midpoint of 2010.  (We are thus looking one year forward from now, rather than thinking in calendar years.)

Consider the problem facing the Canadian economy, as it tries to wean itself from the debt that has fuelled its recent progress.  It is very hard to fathom that Canadian households are going to keep borrowing at their current drunken pace, for several reasons:

  • interest rates can only go up;
  • overblown real estate prices will almost certainly retreat over the next year, cutting into demand for two reasons: less credit is required to buy cheaper houses, and (more importantly) a decline in prices immediately throws the speculative engine that has driven recent sales into reverse;
  • the rising debt burden of consumers would eventually curtail new borrowing even without those factors.

I present three scenarios in Table 2: new private debt slows down (to half of last year’s net borrowing), private debt stabilizes (no net new borrowing), and the private sector actually starts to deleverage (something that’s been warned about but hasn’t actually started to happen yet).  In the first two scenarios, new borrowing adds little or nothing to aggregate demand; in the last scenario, it takes away from aggregate demand.  Line 10 of Table 2 indicates that none of these scenarios would lead to a dramatic decline in the already-bloated private debt burden: it falls by a few points in each scenario from its current record level, but even in the deleveraging scenario only falls back to where it was in 2008.  (Just imagine if private agents actually followed the same debt-phobic thinking of current politicians, and tried to significantly reduce their debt burdens; as my friend Doug Henwood puts it, we’ll all be wearing barrels.)

At the same time, of course, governments at all levels are now trying frantically to slash their own deficits (which were so important to limiting last year’s downturn).  Let’s assume that they succeed (despite swimming against the macroeconomic tides) in reducing their collective deficit by half moving forward.

The bottom line result is shown in Line 13.  In the debt slowdown case, total aggregate demand grows by 4 percent in nominal terms compared to 2009 year averages.  After deducting inflation, that’s consistent with very slow growth (1-2%) in the real economy – not enough to put a dent in our unemployment.  In the debt freeze case, nominal aggregate demand grows by only 1% – which implies outright contraction of the real economy, and rising unemployment.  Even a modest deleveraging by the private sector leads to a significant contraction in nominal demand, and a very severe (depression-style) contraction in real output and employment.

The arithmetic insight here is that it doesn’t take an actual contraction in debt to bring about a real recession.  Just slowing or stopping new debt creation will do the trick – because our economy has become structurally dependent on a continuing “fix” of debt to pay for the stuff we produce.

Second, to the extent that Canada is experiencing a recovery (and I am still not convinced that is an appropriate use of the term), it has been 100% dependent on the willingness of Canadian households to pump their indebtedness to record levels.  (According to Statistics Canada, household debt was already 144% of disposable income at the end of 2009.)  Once that willingness to go into hock reaches its inevitable limit, then there is nothing else pulling up the slack.  In particular, the vaunted Canadian business sector has done nothing so far to fill the demand gap in our economy; all the recovery so far (such as it’s been) has been courtesy of households and governments.

Thirdly, the efforts by Canadian governments to slash their deficits in coming years would make a bad situation far worse, if in fact private debt slows, stops, or (god help us) reverses.

I am not predicting a debt collapse here.  I am simply highlighting how fragile the base for Canada’s continued expansion has become – and how withdrawing the only sources of recent spending (household and government debt) would put us quickly right back into the soup again.

My acknowledgements again to Steve Keen for his insights.  Here are the tables:

 

 
This post originally appeared on The Progressive Economics Forum

  1. D R
    May 21, 2010 at 5:03 pm

    When y’all say debt is 170 percent of GDP, that’s gross debt, right? So it counts debt from one Canadian to another (which therefore shouldn’t subtract from aggregate demand) and doesn’t count debt owed to Canadians by foreigners (which should add to aggregate demand)

    If so, you may be hugely overestimating the effects.

  2. May 22, 2010 at 3:36 am

    No DR,

    The analysis isn’t based on a static transfer: it’s the dynamics of the change in debt adding or subtracting to demand, where in a dynamic credit driven economy that is approximately the sum of the change in debt plus GDP. Debt from one Canadian (a consumer say) to another (bank) increases aggregate demand; if instead that Canadian reduces debt, it subtracts from aggregate demand.

    Foreign debt is a separate issue.

    • D R
      May 22, 2010 at 4:01 am

      Yes, dynamics. I get that. But is that the change in NET debt, or GROSS debt? It makes a big difference.

      If I loan you $1 and you loan me $1, gross debt is increased by $2. Do our loans increase our aggregate demand by $2? Or by zero?

      If everyone loans their entire income to the person next to them, but we’re all in the same country, then gross debt goes up by 100 percent of GDP. So what?

      • Tim
        May 22, 2010 at 8:43 am

        I might be wrong here, but the logic according to my understanding is that consumers augment their current purchasing power with debt. Their ability to spend depends on their current income and the additional debt which they are willing to take on board.

        You borrow quite simply to finance your current expenditures, others lend (ignoring credit created by the banks) because their current expenditures are less then their current income. If gross debt increases by 20%, you can make a reasonable assumption that aggregate demand would have been minus the 20% increase in debt.

  3. D R
    May 22, 2010 at 3:37 pm

    Tim… yes, that seems to be the point. But you’re missing the other side of the transaction. The person making the loan has less ability to spend by exactly the same amount.

    That is, someone is “attenuating their current purchasing power with loans. Their ability to spend depends on their current income less the additional lending which they are willing to take on board.”

    Why is it reasonable to assume that one dollar of new borrowing leads to one dollar of spending, but one dollar of new lending does not reduce spending at all? Especially when there exist many agents who borrow and lend simultaneously?

  4. May 22, 2010 at 4:17 pm

    D R :
    Yes, dynamics. I get that. But is that the change in NET debt, or GROSS debt? It makes a big difference.
    If I loan you $1 and you loan me $1, …

    But when commercial banks lend, they are not primarily passing on existing purchasing power, they are creating new purchasing power. When those debts are net repaid back rather than rolled over, then purchasing power is destroyed. So the model in which all lending is passing around existing money on the financial circuit until it ends up in the hands of someone who wants to put it through the income/expenditure loop is a false image of reality.

    • D R
      May 22, 2010 at 5:59 pm

      Wow. So many issues. Yes.

      1. We’re getting led astray talking about purchasing power versus demand. I can increase my purchasing power by quite a lot without increasing demand at all. Or I can decide to keep $100 under my mattress year after year, and at 10 percent inflation. My purchasing power keeps on declining, but my demand for goods and services is not.

      2. I am not arguing there is no such thing as net lending. I am arguing that net lending is what is important. Does new bank lending create additional purchasing power, or only new money?

      Look, the giveaway is in Keen’s Debtwatch piece mentioned above. Notice how aggregate demand initially exceeds GDP. Doesn’t that imply a trade deficit? Isn’t it the financing of that deficit what is at issue? And when that debt stops growing (trade balances) isn’t GDP increasing, even if *domestic* demand is not?

      There is this continued conflation of gross and net debt, GDP and demand, demand and purchasing power… but they aren’t the same things. Of course you get surprising results if you treat them as such.

  5. Jim Stanford
    May 23, 2010 at 9:19 am

    In a deregulated private credit system, banks create new spending power out of thin air (constrained only by their private judgments of the trade-off between interest income on the new loans they issue and the risk they won’t be paid back). Credit is not unpsent income from one person loaned to someone else who needs more; credit is created by the financial system. That new spending power adds to aggregate purchasing power in the economy. That spending, as noted in the original post, can be divided among current domestic production, imports, and assets. In that case, “excess” credit creation could show up in some combination of inflation, trade deficits, and asset price inflation. (Central banks tightly control the first of these, but mostly ignore the last.) So there’s no 1-to-1 relationship between the total spending power (income + new debt) and real output (accumulation or shedding of assets can blur that relationship), but they will tend (ceteris paribus) to move together.

    • D R
      May 23, 2010 at 5:13 pm

      Exactly! This is ridiculous. We know what domestic income is at any time (Y). We know what domestic spending on goods and services is at any time (C+I+G). The amount by which domestic spending exceeds domestic income is the trade deficit (C+I+G-Y=M-X)

      Measured properly, there is a “new debt” which results in a 1:1 relationship, and that “new debt” is exactly the trade deficit. (Or current account deficit, if one wishes to use a broader definition of income)

  6. May 26, 2010 at 9:17 am

    DR, Japan also had debt growing faster than GDP and a trade surplus throughout. You are conflating debt with foreign debt in your analysis. All that is needed is a debt-financed increase in spending power. The fact that it originates in bank lending where “loans create deposits” is why there is an increase in spending power–not a transfer from depositor to borrower.

    Check the final graph in my recent blog entry:

    http://www.debtdeflation.com/blogs/2010/05/25/deleveraging-returns/

    I didn’t provide the correlation coefficient there between unemployment and the debt contribution to demand, but it was -0.92. This relationship is what Jim was talking about in his post, and providing a very reasonable forward extrapolation of what it might mean for Canada’s future economic performance.

    • D R
      May 26, 2010 at 1:19 pm

      I’m not conflating anything. The difference between domestic income and domestic expenditures must be the trade balance.

      Again, I’m not arguing domestically-held debt cannot make a difference– just that it cannot happen the way you describe because we know exactly how much debt goes to raising expenditures above income.

      If you come up with anything different, you have to explain how you either a) broke the national accounting identity, or b) explain how you’ve redefined some term to mean something other than generally accepted.

  7. J. Scott
    June 3, 2010 at 11:30 pm

    The deleveraging of Greek debt (and other European sovereign debt) coupled with the German-mandated austerity measures on the same countries could partly be the cause of the devaluation of the Euro.

    Reduction in sovereign debt plus near decimation of private debt equal economic disaster for the Euro-countries. Europe’s austerity measures, if not offset by devaluation of the Euro relative to the dollar (and yen?) and trade with non-European countries, could be the catalyst for a second recession, or worse.

    If memory of economic history serves me right, central banks and nations’ belt-tightening is what helped create the Great Depression – credit was not being created thus aggregate demand fell and this led to extreme unemployment.

    Lastly, fear of excessive sovereign debt may pale in comparison to fear of political turmoil should the world experience higher unemployment as the result of a second and possibly deeper recession.

    Steve – thanks for the keen insight; pun intended.

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