Unemployment and interest rate confusion: What next?
from Peter Radford
If we ever needed evidence that economic forecasts can be confusing, the reaction to this week’s reported numbers is more than enough. One day the fact that lone term interest rates are rising is cited as a warning that the deficit is a major problem. The next those rates are rising because we have stimulated the economy by keeping taxes low and thus bulking up the debt. Then today we have the weekly figures for new applications for unemployment assistance, which despite being fairly good, is blithely ignored by everyone. It makes my head spin.
First that unemployment claims number.
During the middle months of the year we saw clear evidence that the economy’s progress had stalled. These weekly claims figures started to edge back up rather than continuing to fall. If ever there was a time for us all to realize that this recovery was going to be a long slow slog that was it. From the low to mid 400,000 level per week claims rose steadily and even above 500,000 for a short while. The consensus is that a weekly claims figure of between 325,000 and 375,000 signals a very healthy economy, while anything below 400,000 is considered good and illustrative of near normal growth. So today’s report of a 17,000 improvement to 421,000 is good news. Especially as it brings the four week moving average – always a better measure – down to 427,500. So we are approaching, albeit after far too many months, a better job market. Couple this news with the fact that unfilled job postings are also rising, and it looks as if the truly dire part of the unemployment cycle will be past us sometime in the new year.
Why the markets didn’t focus on this is anyone’s guess.
Now a word of caution: this improvement in no way implies that the unemployment rate is about to drop quickly. The economy is simply not expanding fast enough for that to happen. Instead we can confirm our view that the long shallow curve of the cycle will play out as forecast many times. All that today’s report tells us is that we are still on that track.
But what of those bumpy interest rates? Is the sky falling? Or are we onto more solid ground?
The best way to look the rise in rates is that the markets took the tax deal and factored it into their GDP forecasts. The result was that most people now peg 2011 growth 0.5% to 1.0% higher than previously thought. One ramification of that is the Fed’s ability to move short term interest rates away from the zero boundary where they now languish increases. So those same forecasters saw rates ticking up in 2011 a bit earlier than they had thought before. A more rapidly growing economy implies rising rates more often than not. Couple this with the ongoing impact of QE2 on medium to long term rates and suddenly we seem to be looking at a yield curve both stepper and generally higher than today’s. So the market bid up rates in a flurry of self-fulfilling expectations.
Of course there is another view. There always is. That is the deficit hawk view. In this interpretation rates are rising because the market fears the tax deal does nothing to impose austerity on us all, and thus adds to our long term budget woes. Inevitably, according to this perspective, the credit markets will start to impose both an inflationary and credit quality penalty on US debt. This implies bidding up bond rates, not in anticipation of higher growth, but in anticipation of collapsing confidence.
What are we sensible folk supposed to think?
Well, in a way they are all correct. What emphasis you decide to place depends on your faith rather than on your analysis.
There is no doubt that the tax deal failed to address the long term budget problem, such as it is. Remember, there is only a problem to the extent that the economy grows less quickly than the debt itself. Debt per se is not a problem. It is our ability to pay for it we need to worry about. Faster growth lessens the debt burden and so shrinks the so-called problem away. Plus, the fiscal imbalance we are all focused on has two very different components. One is the result of projected outlays growing faster than projected income, especially as health care and defense spending remain uncontrolled. The other is the permanent reduction in income created by the ill advised tax cuts back in 2001 and 2003.
Those tax cuts were justified – I use the word loosely – by the fact that we had accumulated a large annual surplus at the end of the Clinton era, and were apparently going to run surpluses for a while longer. So reducing income to get back into balance was both reasonable and politically sensible. Also, after the 2001 recession kicked into gear, another justification was that a tax cut would spur growth. In other words the Republican mantra of the day was that we needed a massive stimulus to shore up GDP. That seems like a long time ago.
Those tax cuts were a total fiscal disaster. They opened up a vast funding gap without providing any substantial stimulus.
You will notice that I am ignoring a third cause of our current deficit: the recession itself. This is because as we look into the future to rebuild a sound fiscal balance we must assume the recession will fade and that any cyclical fiscal imbalance it caused due to the drop in revenues, inevitable during a downturn, will also fade.
So, back to interest rates.
The fact that we did not address the deficit is a good thing. That’s what we need to do as we continue to provide support to the economy. When we view the tax deal as a form of stimulus because it continues to flood the economy with government money, then we can project higher growth and thus higher rates. And, yes, the larger deficit will require funding through the issuance of more debt, so the markets will occasionally get a little skittish in the run up to big US bond auctions. But this week is ample evidence that the markets are less worried about the rising debt than they are about the lack of growth. However temperamental, nutty and short term focused we may accuse our creditors of being they have the same goal as we do: getting the economy humming again.
So long term rates have risen because our prospects have improved and the stimulus is perceived to be beneficial. Everyone is happy except the deficit hawks who openly focus on the debt side of the effort. Oh, and don’t get carried away about rates. They are merely back where they were before the onset of the midsummer gloom. They haven’t suddenly exploded out of control. In fact today’s successful bond auction set them back a little.
I hope that straightens out your confusion.
But.
Of course I would be remiss were I not to throw my own version of confusion into the ring. Those more upbeat forecasts for 2011 have to include a counter movement in 2012. The tax deal may well produce a slow down in growth as we head into the election year. Why?
Because none of the fundamental conditions change and thus once the extra demand created by the deal ebbs away we will be left with some version of our current economy chugging along, still in debt reduction mode, and still with high unemployment. It is not until the de-leveraging has run its course and demand has picked up that we can forecast solid growth. That is still a long way off. Tinkering with the supply side by reducing business taxes or encouraging investment just won’t work. We need to fix the demand side of our economy. That takes time if you don’t plunge into the effort with gusto. And gusto is in short supply in Washington.
































“Deleveraging?” Are you kidding? Enough of that….. http://finance.fortune.cnn.com/2010/12/14/is-deleveraging-just-a-delusion/
John:
The way I look at this is to use the financial obligation statistics of the Fed. The point being that we need not simply to look a absolute debt levels, but also at the income available to service that debt. Thus de-leveraging is a reduction in the ratio of debt to income, or more accurately the debt service costs to disposable income. It is not simply a drop in the gross debt level. Given that, we saw a consistent decline from late 2007 through mid year 2010 – the latest figures available for this series. The ratio peaked in this cycle at 18.86% and fell to 17.02%, which is the lowest level it has been since 1998.
It is true that consumer credit rose recently, but so too have incomes. We must wait to see whether the de-leveraging has ended as a result of this, or whether this is simply a pause in a longer term decline.
The Fortune article does not speak to debt burden in this way and is misleading. It speaks only to absolute levels of debt, which provides no guide either to the liquidity or solvency of households or businesses.
Finally: despite what the article says, the increase in government debt is a good thing while the private sector goes about rebalancing itself. Without that increase we would have suffered a terrible economic decline far worse than we did.
And yet again the myth is repeated:
” …the fact that we had accumulated a large annual surplus at the end of the Clinton era, and were apparently going to run surpluses for a while longer.”
How can even a sophisticated analyst like you, Peter Radford, feed us this untruth yet again? The famous “Clinton surpluses” never existed, though they are now accepted as real by almost everyone.
Those surpluses were the result of a huge labeling misnomer that preceded Clinton, though he has been happy to go along with it, since it credits him with “surpluses” that in fact never happened.
How come? Because, prior to Clinton, some genius decided that when the US Treasury borrows money by issuing bonds to the Social Security Trust Fund, such borrowing does not count when calculating the deficit. But the resultant debt is real. In exchange for cash from the SS surplus, the US Treasury issues real US bonds for real debt, as real as those those issued to the Chinese or to your Aunt Tillie.
How can that borrowing not “count” when calculating the government deficit? Because it was long ago conveniently but wrongly decided that borrowing from the SS Trust Fund was not adding to the deficit, because that is just one branch of the government borrowong from another, thus netting to zero. This is arrant nonsense. Borrowing adds to the deficit, whether borrowing from the Chinese, your Aunt Tillie, or the SS Trust Fund.
As evidenced by the fact that the US debt number DOES include bonds issued to the SS Trust Fund as real obligations of the Federal government. Thus, US debt growth flattened due to economic progress during the Clinton era, but it did not decrease as it would have if real surpluses had been generated.
Instead we have the accounting travesty of showing the famous “surpluses”, alluded to here yet again, while at the same time showing no commensurate reduction in US debt.
This is totally crazy, and should have long since been blown out of the water by public exposure and ridicule. Instead, we get serious analysts like Peter Radford repeating this falsehood as though it were true.
Tom:
Thank you for your comment.
The Clinton surpluses were a reality. The “on-budget” surplus, i.e. the cash revenues less cash outlays of the US government – not including Social Security – was $86.4 billion [0.9% of GDP] in 2000. The “unified” budget, which includes the surplus cash received on Social Security, was positive in the four years 1998 through 2001, ranging from a high of $236.2 billion to a low of $69.3 billion over that time.
During the period 1997 through 2001 the debt obligations of the US government to the private sector fell from $3.772 trillion to $3.319 trillion, a decline of $453 billion. Subsequently, that figure has expanded rapidly due to the Bush tax cuts and the recession, and reached $7.544 trillion at year end 2009.
At year end 2009 the Social Security Trust fund held assets of $2.540 trillion.
Adding the two debts together produces a grand total of $10.084 trillion at year end 2009.
So in terms of cash flow: there was indeed a surplus during the Clinton years. Meanwhile the debt has accumulated to over $10 trillion.
Finally, you must recall that most of the debt is owed to citizens of the US and is thus a transfer of wealth; that the debt service cost is still very low in terms of GDP; and that the unwinding of that debt is spread over decades and thus entirely manageable in budget terms.
In short: the US debt, while it has grown substantially, is not a problem. If it were, I doubt that the US Treasury would be able to raise the money that is does repeatedly and at low cost. To argue otherwise implies that creditors the world over are irrational or irresponsible or both. Despite the real estate bubble, indeed because of the chastening they all received during that debacle, I doubt that you can make that case successfully.
Because of the position of the US after WWII, people across the world cling to the US dollar as if it was made of gold, which it is not, (since 1971).
However, the dollar is only as good as the nation that stand behind it, a nation whose fabric is currently being dismantled by predators from within.
The US has been getting away with fancy accounting that no other nation would be allowed to carry out, and dump its debts on the shoulders of others.
The result with ultimately be an empty shell left behind by the predators.
Peter –
Ya got me. I should not have said that the Clinton surpluses never existed. I should have said that the large annual surpluses you claim we accumulated at the end of the Clinton era never existed. And the rising curve of US debt didn’t just flatten, it indeed made an almost imperceptible dip. Because, as you point out, in 2000, under Clinton, the budget showed a real surplus of $86.4 billion.
But you have not refuted my main point: the “large Clinton surpluses” you cite exist only using fiscal reporting that is wrong, inexplicable, and confusing to the American public. The “unified” budget that reported these illusory “large surpluses” treats cash receipts from sale of bonds to the Social Security Administration Trustees just like cash receipts from tax revenues. It ignores the fact that cash received from the SS Trust Fund is in exchange for US bonds sold to the Trust Fund, bonds that are essentially the same as any other US bond.
In other words, cash from tax revenues decreases the deficit and could produce a surplus, but cash received from sale of bonds to the SS Trust fund cannot decrease the deficit or produce “large annual surpluses.” They just can’t. It’s impossible, by any sane accounting method. But you accept that they can.
This errant accounting fuels the fires of confusion raging around the Social Security surpluses, leading to everything from Al Gore’s wrong-headed “lock box” to George W. Bush’s trip to Fort Knox to pull open drawers so he could show on live TV that the Social Security surplus was “nothing but paper – just a bunch of IOU’s from the government”. Worthless.
And isn’t that exactly what the “unified” budget says? Well, almost. The bonds don’t count for calculating the annual surplus/deficit and are therefore “worthless”, though magically they show up as US debt. But not, of course, as debt to “the private sector”. Weirdness prevails.
So in your admirable effort to fend off the deficit hawks, you join the throng misrepresenting the Social Security bonds.
Note that the phony surpluses reported when the Trust Fund was buying bonds should turn into phony deficits as those bonds are redeemed. Does this mean you will be hoist by your own petard?
Tom Hagan
Tom:
There are no “gotcha’s” I am simply trying to give you what I see as the facts.
I totally agree that the concept of a “unified budget” is confusing. It was an intentional confusion, a ruse, begun by Reagan to delude the public when he started running historically large peacetime deficits. On that we agree. I also agree that the build up of assets in the Social Security Trust fund is an obligation of the US government and is thus no different from a regular Treasury bond.
But where we disagree is that the net cash flows in and out due to the collection of payroll tax and the disbursement of social security payments cannot add to or subtract from the annual deficit. They do. I cannot see how they don’t. Clearly the government collects the payroll tax, and clearly it makes cash payments. The net being either positive or negative. This is no different from the regular budget in either an accounting sense or a cash flow sense.
The surplus cash flow of recent years has been invested in bonds held in the SS Trust account. It is my understanding that any cash raised via the subsequent sale of those bonds is not then passed through the annual budget a second time – you are correct, that would be improper accounting. So the “unified” budget does not reflect movements within the balance sheet of the trust fund, it only reflects the difference between tax collections and annual outlays.
The Reagan ruse was to meld the two cash flows as if they were one, but the surplus intake on payroll tax is invested in assets for the SS Trust fund, it does not contribute towards ongoing operational spending such as defense.
The problems all arise in the future when the annual payroll tax inflow is insufficient to pay the annual outlays. At that point the government will liquidate its asset portfolio in order to meet its obligations. Presumably it will do this by selling more bonds to replace those it liquidates. It could, of course, raise taxes or cut other spending to bridge the cash flow gap, but history tells me the public won’t be willing to go along with that. Also, when we arrive at that moment the insufficiency in the annual cash flow will rebound on us and the Reagan ruse will go into reverse: the budget will look worse because instead of a surplus on payroll tax we will be running a deficit.
In sum, the cash flows are correctly accounted for. There is nothing phony about them. There is a real surplus, and has been for years, on the social security program. The only true phoniness is the notion of a unified budget which was a politically motivated attempt to delude taxpayers into thinking that incessant tax cuts could co-exist with continued spending.
One last note: it is also confusing to quote gross debt levels of the US government without also recognizing that those liabilities must be someone else’s assets. To the extent that those assets are held within the US we should look at the net debt as well to determine the health of our economy. If the debt is predominantly owed to the US public, then the interest we pay on it is providing income to US citizens. It thus acts as if it were a giant transfer payment from one segment of society to another. It is not, therefore, necessarily a bad thing.
Peter –
We agree that “unified” accounting was a ruse cooked up to decrease current deficits long before Clinton. So why do you insist on relying on this completely wrong and deceitful accounting method to say that the Clinton years accumulated large annual surpluses? Those Clinton surpluses, except for $86.4 billion in 2000, never happened according to any sane accounting method.
You say: “But where we disagree is that the net cash flows in and out due to the collection of payroll tax and the disbursement of social security payments cannot add to or subtract from the annual deficit.”
And we sure do disagree about this. Social Security can indeed post a surplus or a deficit in any year depending on whether payroll taxes exceed social security payments. But the SS surplus or deficit cannot simply be added to the annual non-SS budget. That was the phony ruse cooked up to make the Reagan deficits smaller – by adding in the SS surplus. In no way does it compute.
St. Ronnie and St. Tip got together in the 80’s to concoct a plan so SS could handle the eventual retirement of baby boomers. They bumped up payroll taxes (for everyone – not just baby boomers) beyond current SS payouts to build up a surplus that could later be drawn upon to pay boomer benefits beyond what younger workers were expected to contribute.
The resultant surplus does not belong to the US public at large. It is held in the SS Trust Fund for the benefit of future pensioners. Authority over it is in the hands of the SS Trustees. It has grown now to about $2.5 trillion, and will soon start to decline as it is drawn down to pay retirement benefits for baby boomers.
For whatever reason, the Trustees are required to invest this surplus only in US Treasury bonds. It was expected that such bond purchases would displace other bond purchases by the public at large, and those sales (debt sold to “the private sector”) would therefore decline as the Trust fund annual surplus grew.
Total US debt would rise or fall depending on whether we had a real budgetary surplus or deficit. And that budgetary surplus/deficit in no way depends on whether SS for the year is in surplus or deficit.
If the budget is in deficit and SS is in surplus, then purchase of bonds by the SS Trust can displace bond sales to the general public that would otherwise be needed. But the SS surplus can’t simply be added to the budget. And yet that is what is done time and again to credit Clinton with scoring large budget surpluses. It’s just not so.
And this phony accounting will have future adverse consequences. The $2.5 trillion of SS Trust Fund surplus at present is all invested in US bonds. SS did not contribute one dime to the US budget, any more than did China; it simply supplied cash in exchange for those bonds. But by the phony ruse of “unified” accounting, the deficits quoted every year were understated cumulatively to the extent of those bond sales. Thus, the deficits to date from whenever that accounting ruse was introduced were understated in total by close to the Trust Fund balance. That means that over the years deficits were reduced in the press by a total of almost $2.5 trillion.
If this phony accounting method continues to be used as the bonds are redeemed going forward, deficits will be falsely increased by the amount of the annual redemption.
“Unified” accounting should be publicly excoriated as the scam it is and we should discontinue fudging the books with it. Which means among other things that we must stop crediting Clinton with racking up big surpluses..
Peter –
You say
“So the “unified” budget does not reflect movements within the balance sheet of the trust fund, it only reflects the difference between tax collections and annual outlays.
… the surplus intake on payroll tax is invested in assets for the SS Trust fund, it does not contribute towards ongoing operational spending such as defense.”
These two statements are both flat out incorrect. In both cases the exact opposite is true. Sadly, they imply a profound misunderstanding of both the unified accouting scam and also of how the surplus in the SS Trust fund is handled.
Tom Hagan
Tom:
There is no point in further discussion. We have occupied too much space as it is. I stand by my statements. Our muddle revolves around the degree of fungibility within the government’s various accounts. Plus we appear to have different sets of facts relating to the year 2000 and the Clinton surplus of that year which was “on” budget excluding any “of” budget surplus.
We agree that government budget reporting is often more politically expedient than pure; and that reality of the SS Trust Fund is obscure. As long as the government employs cash rather than accrual accounting along with a proper balance sheet, the state of special funds – and the SS Trust Fund is not the only one – is problematic. In effect we have a “pay as you go” system whatever the law says.