Economic modelling
from Lars Syll
A couple of years ago, Paul Krugman had a piece up on his blog arguing that the ‘discipline of modeling’ is a sine qua non for tackling politically and emotionally charged economic issues:
In my experience, modeling is a helpful tool (among others) in avoiding that trap, in being self-aware when you’re starting to let your desired conclusions dictate your analysis. Why? Because when you try to write down a model, it often seems to lead some place you weren’t expecting or wanting to go. And if you catch yourself fiddling with the model to get something else out of it, that should set off a little alarm in your brain.
So when ‘modern’ mainstream economists use their models — standardly assuming rational expectations, Walrasian market clearing, unique equilibria, time invariance, linear separability and homogeneity of both inputs/outputs and technology, infinitely lived intertemporally optimizing representative agents with homothetic and identical preferences, etc. — and standardly ignoring complexity, diversity, uncertainty, coordination problems, non-market clearing prices, real aggregation problems, emergence, expectations formation, etc. — we are supposed to believe that this somehow helps them ‘to avoid motivated reasoning that validates what you want to hear.’
Yours truly is, to say the least, far from convinced. The alarm that sets off in my brain is that this, rather than being helpful for understanding real-world economic issues, is more of an ill-advised plaidoyer for voluntarily taking on a methodological straight-jacket of unsubstantiated and known to be false assumptions.
Let me just give two examples to illustrate my point
In 1817 David Ricardo presented — in Principles — a theory that was meant to explain why countries trade and, based on the concept of opportunity cost, how the pattern of export and import is ruled by countries exporting goods in which they have a comparative advantage and importing goods in which they have a comparative disadvantage.
Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage, however, didn’t explain why the comparative advantage was the way it was. At the beginning of the 20th century, two Swedish economists — Eli Heckscher and Bertil Ohlin — presented a theory/model/theorem according to which the comparative advantages arose from differences in factor endowments between countries. Countries have comparative advantages in producing goods that use up production factors that are most abundant in the different countries. Countries would a fortiori mostly export goods that used the abundant factors of production and import goods that mostly used factors of productions that were scarce.
The Heckscher-Ohlin theorem –as do the elaborations on in it by e.g. Vanek, Stolper and Samuelson — builds on a series of restrictive and unrealistic assumptions. The most critically important — besides the standard market-clearing equilibrium assumptions — are
(1) Countries use identical production technologies.
(2) Production takes place with constant returns to scale technology.
(3) Within countries the factor substitutability is more or less infinite.
(4) Factor prices are equalised (the Stolper-Samuelson extension of the theorem).
These assumptions are, as almost all empirical testing of the theorem has shown, totally unrealistic. That is, they are empirically false.
That said, one could indeed wonder why on earth anyone should be interested in applying this theorem to real-world situations. Like so many other mainstream mathematical models taught to economics students today, this theorem has very little to do with the real world.
From a methodological point of view, one can, of course, also wonder, how we are supposed to evaluate tests of a theorem building on known to be false assumptions. What is the point of such tests? What can those tests possibly teach us? From falsehoods, anything logically follows.
Modern (expected) utility theory is a good example of this. Leaving the specification of preferences without almost any restrictions whatsoever, every imaginable evidence is safely made compatible with the all-embracing ‘theory’ — and a theory without informational content never risks being empirically tested and found falsified. Used in mainstream economics ‘thought experimental’ activities, it may of course be very ‘handy’, but totally void of any empirical value.
Utility theory has like so many other economic theories morphed into an empty theory of everything. And a theory of everything explains nothing — just as Gary Becker’s ‘economics of everything’ it only makes nonsense out of economic science.
Some people have trouble with the fact that by allowing false assumptions mainstream economists can generate whatever conclusions they want in their models. But that’s really nothing very deep or controversial. What I’m referring to is the well-known ‘principle of explosion,’ according to which if both a statement and its negation are considered true, any statement whatsoever can be inferred.
Whilst tautologies, purely existential statements and other nonfalsifiable statements assert, as it were, too little about the class of possible basic statements, self-contradictory statements assert too much. From a self-contradictory statement, any statement whatsoever can be validly deduced. Consequently, the class of its potential falsifiers is identical with that of all possible basic statements: it is falsified by any statement whatsoever.
On the question of tautology, I think it is only fair to say that the way axioms and theorems are formulated in mainstream (neoclassical) economics, they are often made tautological and informationally totally empty.
Using false assumptions, mainstream modellers can derive whatever conclusions they want. Wanting to show that ‘all economists consider austerity to be the right policy,’ just e.g. assume ‘all economists are from Chicago’ and ‘all economists from Chicago consider austerity to be the right policy.’ The conclusions follow by deduction — but is of course factually totally wrong. Models and theories building on that kind of reasoning are nothing but a pointless waste of time.
Not exactly the point of your post, but why do countries trade?
Does Lars Syll believe that only one mathematically formulation for a subject is possible? Of course, not. There are many theories formulated in mathematical forms, the content, the significance, and the reality of which are very different. So, it is useless to oppose all mathematical formulations as a group.
Take the case of trade theory, which Lars has picked up. I have constructed a trade theory named new theory of international values. Among four standard assumptions that Lars listed above, the new theory explicitly denies assumptions (1), (3), and (4). As for (2), the theory assumes constant returns to scale as a simpler formulation. However, all production techniques are conditioned by the scale of demand. The firms prepare their production capacity. The constant returns to scale is assumed within the capacity limit. In this sense, the theory admits increasing returns to scale, because profit (and the profit rate over the fixed capital) increases as the scale of production increases withing the capacity limit.
See my chapter: The new theory of international values: an overview. Chapter 1 (pp.3-73) in Shiozawa, Oka and Tabuchi (eds.) (2017) A new construction of Ricardian theory of international values / Analytical and historical approach, Springer, Tokyo.
My theory is free from many inconveniences or defects in generations of neoclassical trade theories (international micro). There are four generations of them: (1) textbook Ricardian theory, (2) Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson theory (HO theory or HOS theory), (3) New trade theory à la Krugman, (4) New new trade theory à la Melitz. The last theory is the trade theory of a small open economy (implying real interactions between countries are absent). First three theories assume that trade of input goods (often called intermediate goods) is excluded. In the age of Global Value Chains (GVCs), all these theories are defective, because a GVC is a worldwide network of productions connected by input trade. Even in old times of Smith and Ricardo, they were defective. As Lionel McKenzie, one of founders of modern Ricardian theory of trade, put it,
The importation of raw cotton was a sine qua non for the British industrial revolution.
Dave Raithel, countries trade because there are gains from trade. But, we should keep in mind that there are also losses from trade (See Section 4 of my paper). For example, if the exchange rates are not good, countries suffer from unemployment. This is the main reason why we observe so often trade conflicts The mainstream trade theories ignore this possibility (i.e. losses from trade), because they assume that economy is in equilibrium. The new theory does adopt equilibrium framework. This is 0-th assumption I reject. It is the most important difference between mainstream trade theories and the new theory.
Cotton is a good example of externalized and hence uncounted cost of raw material. And in the cotton obtained from slave labour in the Southern US an abomination. Trade has ever had a component of exploitation. How about the opium trade with China? Enforced by military domination and destruction by greedy britain (GB), Economics has always been about rationalizing profit by wars. Western powers’ wealth of nations. Is it possible to develop a science of economics that reaches the success of ecological modeling Odum et Btw no one here ever addresses the missing input (independent) variable effect on models.
Oh how much is hidden behind that simple word “externalized”.
Dear Charlie,
history is full of abominable facts. Before the cotton plantation began, there was the slave trade. There was a triangle between Great Britain, West Africa and North America (including Caribbean islands in this case). GB exported industrial goods to West Africa. West Africa provided slaves to North America, and North America provided raw cotton to GB. With this triangle behind, Lancashire became the factory of the world. The first industrial revolution is based thus on toil of workers in factories and blood and sweat of slaves in plantations.
However, it is necessary to distinguish theory and facts. You can condemn this and that facts, but you should estimate a theory if it explains better than other theories.
Explanation does not necessary mean that a theory or model can give an accurate prediction. Many models in mainstream economics boast its predictive power, although in reality its accuracy and constancy (in time) are both quite low. Even if a theory cannot give a prediction, but if it makes observers understand better what is happening behind the surface of phenomena, it is a good theory.
In the case of trade theories, it is quite clear that the new theory is better than other four generations of mainstream trade theories or international microeconomics, because it is only the new theory that can treat input trade in a general form. Mainstream trade theories cannot explain why Lancashire became the world center of cotton industry. They cannot explain why Global Value Chains (GVCs) grew rapidly in recent times, because mainstream trade theories do not have no general theory of input trade. Consequently, mainstream economics was very slow to discuss GVCs, although the importance of GVCs became evident more than two decades ago.
A good understanding of GVCs is crucial for a good making of development policies. It is well known that import-substitution strategy for industrialization did not worked well. Then, people recommended export-oriented strategy. However, if one does not understand well how the catching-up process takes place, we have a risk of falling in the so-called middle income traps.