Home > Uncategorized > Expected utility theory — nothing but an ex-hypothesis

Expected utility theory — nothing but an ex-hypothesis

from Lars Syll

A Review of Conditional and Iterated Expectations using Linear Regression Models in R | by Kat Hoffman | Towards Data ScienceIn mainstream theory, preferences are standardly expressed in the form of a utility function. But although the expected utility theory has been known for a long time to be both theoretically and descriptively inadequate, mainstream economists gladly continue to use it, as though its deficiencies were unknown or unheard of.

What most of them try to do in face of the obvious theoretical and behavioral inadequacies of the expected utility theory, is to marginally mend it. But that cannot be the right attitude when facing scientific anomalies. When models are plainly wrong, you’d better replace them! As Matthew Rabin and Richard Thaler have it in Risk Aversion:

It is time for economists to recognize that expected utility is an ex-hypothesis, so that we can concentrate our energies on the important task of developing better descriptive models of choice under uncertainty.

In his modern classic Risk Aversion and Expected-Utility Theory: A Calibration Theorem Matthew Rabin  writes:

Using expected-utility theory, economists model risk aversion as arising solely because the utility function over wealth is concave. This diminishing-marginal-utility-of-wealth theory of risk aversion is psychologically intuitive, and surely helps explain some of our aversion to large-scale risk: We dislike vast uncertainty in lifetime wealth because a dollar that helps us avoid poverty is more valuable than a dollar that helps us become very rich.

Yet this theory also implies that people are approximately risk neutral when stakes are small … While most economists understand this formal limit result, fewer appreciate that the approximate risk-neutrality prediction holds not just for negligible stakes, but for quite sizable and economically important stakes. Economists often invoke expected-utility theory to explain substantial (observed or posited) risk aversion over stakes where the theory actually predicts virtual risk neutrality.While not broadly appreciated, the inability of expected-utility theory to provide a plausible account of risk aversion over modest stakes has become oral tradition among some subsets of researchers, and has been illustrated in writing in a variety of different contexts using standard utility functions …

Expected-utility theory is manifestly not close to the right explanation of risk attitudes over modest stakes. Moreover, when the specific structure of expected-utility theory is used to analyze situations involving modest stakes — such as in research that assumes that large-stake and modest-stake risk attitudes derive from the same utility-for-wealth function — it can be very misleading.

In a similar vein, Daniel Kahneman writes — in Thinking, Fast and Slow — that expected utility theory is seriously flawed since it doesn’t take into consideration the basic fact that people’s choices are influenced by changes in their wealth. Where standard microeconomic theory assumes that preferences are stable over time, Kahneman and other behavioral economists have forcefully again and again shown that preferences aren’t fixed, but vary with different reference points. How can a theory that doesn’t allow for people to have different reference points from which they consider their options have an almost axiomatic status within economic theory?

The mystery is how a conception of the utility of outcomes that is vulnerable to such obvious counterexamples survived for so long. I can explain it only by a weakness of the scholarly mind … I call it theory-induced blindness: once you have accepted a theory and used it as a tool in your thinking it is extraordinarily difficult to notice its flaws … You give the theory the benefit of the doubt, trusting the community of experts who have accepted it … But they did not pursue the idea to the point of saying, “This theory is seriously wrong because it ignores the fact that utility depends on the history of one’s wealth, not only present wealth.”

The works of people like Rabin, Thaler, and Kahneman, show that expected utility theory is indeed transmogrifying truth. It’s an “ex-hypothesis”  — or as Monty Python has it:

ex-ParrotThis parrot is no more! He has ceased to be! ‘E’s expired and gone to meet ‘is maker! ‘E’s a stiff! Bereft of life, ‘e rests in peace! If you hadn’t nailed ‘im to the perch ‘e’d be pushing up the daisies! ‘Is metabolic processes are now ‘istory! ‘E’s off the twig! ‘E’s kicked the bucket, ‘e’s shuffled off ‘is mortal coil, run down the curtain and joined the bleedin’ choir invisible!! THIS IS AN EX-PARROT!!

  1. Romar Correa
    April 3, 2022 at 5:48 am

    Mathew Rabin, Daniel Kahneman, and others, have pioneered independent alternatives to expected utility theory. The contributions are rich and unlikely to lend themselves to facile tractability. The point here is age-old: A complete disbeliever in the EU hypothesis might still use it when embedded in a larger exercise so long as the results overall survive a reality check. (I would hate to be slapped with Milton Friedman’s “methodology of positive economics” but will take it on the cheek!). The aggregate production function was toppled from its pedestal as an outcome of the capital theory debates of the last century. The substitute is the Leontief production function. The single agent is replaced by infinitely-lived heterogeneous agents. Class conflict is modeled by workers and capitalists maximising their expected payoffs and profit functions over time. A radical approach to the connect between micro and macro would be a step away from the individual to the distribution of characteristics across agents initiated by Jean-Michel Grandmont and Werner Hildenbrand (While Alan Kirman’s demolition job on representative agent economics in the JEP in 1992 is oft-cited, his constructive contributions to this agenda are less well-known). In short, the power of and the vested interests invested in familiar ways of doing things cannot be underestimated.

    • Dave Raithel
      April 3, 2022 at 8:19 am

      “A complete disbeliever in the EU hypothesis might still use it when embedded in a larger exercise so long as the results overall survive a reality check.” Seems right. I have a budget. I have preferences. That’s no moral justification of the circumstances, that’s facts. And most everything else you wrote made sense to me up till Jean Michel etc….

    • yoshinorishiozawa
      April 3, 2022 at 10:52 am

      Dave Raithel,

      do you have any idea on any possible radical approach to connect micro and macro?

      • Romar Correa
        April 3, 2022 at 1:45 pm

        Thank you for the opportunity, Dave Raithel! A common element in all the approaches I cite is that the distinction between the monetary and the real is dropped. I can do no better that start with the glorious tradition that Lars Syll inherited, the micro-macro of the Stockholm School. People make plans and proceed to act on them. Stock taking takes place at the end of the period. Plans are revised. Swedish period analysis gave respectability to disequilibrium sequences. Classics like the book by Erik Lundberg contain an abundant array of such causal chains. Furthermore, Gunnar Myrdal and others hammered the distinction between the monetary and the natural rate of interest. A non-Wicksellian macro is yet to be written. My next two agendas reflect my own vested interests! The macroeconomics of the monetary circuit is alive and well and I have worked on the quantum macroeconomics of the late Bernard Schmitt. He was not opposed to micro and I attempted to bridge the gap in a paper in the Review of Keynesian Studies in 2020. Finally, there is Stock-Flow-Consistent (SFC) macroeconomics. The economy is looked at in terms of interrelated balance sheets. Arithmetic cannot be contested and the identities are connected by “stock-flow norms”, practices that are the outcome of history. People make their own history. Some norms vanish and others appear. SFC norms can be proposed by policy makers. Thus, in the stability analysis of a real-monetary-financial system, some norms would need to be implanted not necessarily from Basel. With Amelia Correa, I had a book out in 2017 titled “Stock-Flow-Consistent Economics and Institutional Variety”.

      • yoshinorishiozawa
        July 7, 2022 at 11:43 pm

        Dear Romar Correa,

        please read my comment on evidencebas‘s comment:

        Mainstream economics — sacrificing realism at the altar of mathematical purity

        Our book (Shiozawa, Morioka, and Taniguchi 2019 Microfoundations of Evolutionary Economics) is in reality constructed as process analysis, thus refusing equilibrium analysis. Economic agents have only limited capabilities in sight (information gathering), rationality (rational thinking and calculation), and actions (convey our will, execute the transactions, etc.). All takes time. Our basic stance is that we must analyse economic process according to time and actions. (Time in economic processes proceeds by human actions). Janos Kornai used the term elementary process. I believe we can say that our method of analysis inherits the basic tenets of Stockholm school. The only difference between great Swedish and us is that we have done it more thoroughly, although our analysis is only limited to industrial economy for the moment. This is natural because we are doing a similar analysis after about one hundred year later. Please note that it is a monetary theory of production that Keynes imagined to do.

      • Romar Correa
        July 9, 2022 at 6:45 am

        Dear Yoshinori, Thank you for the invitation to respond to your comment. It is a pleasure because I enthusiastically endorse what you say & your writing fortifies my beliefs. When you say process analysis the old Austrians come to mind. F von Hayek & L von Mises explicitly described their business so. The Stockholm School was about constructing elaborate economic sequences. They got into trouble with the establishment because they tagged the adjective disequilibrium to their sequences. The expected neoclassical response would be that they had no trouble with a state of disequilibrium because it must eventually lead to equilibrium. How can a state of disequilibrium persist?
        In a dig at critics, they would ask if economic processes had been suspended therein!

      • yoshinorishiozawa
        July 10, 2022 at 2:10 am

        Another, but more recent, sad history of economics is that of Clower, Leijonhufvud, and Non-Walrasian equilibrium (or French group such as Drèze, Benassy, and Malinvaud). All their efforts evaporated away.

      • Romar Correa
        July 12, 2022 at 3:59 pm

        Not so, actually. Benassy stands out for slim, elegant volumes that stream out regularly enlarging the scope of non-Walrasian economics. I have taught the books with pleasure & enlightenment since we at the Mumbai University have never been in thrall of Anglo-Saxon economics. I cannot think of a better antidote to DSGE macro on its own turf other than the rigorous work of your own countrymen, Yoshinori, that is published even more frequently. More power to your laptops!

      • yoshinorishiozawa
        July 12, 2022 at 9:15 pm

        It you are indicating Benassy’s Microeconomics: An introduction to the non-Walrasian approach (1986), it is a bit disappointing. It may be non-Walrasian, but still it is an equilibrium analysis, and not a process analysis. It argues disequilibrium in the equilibrium framework. It must be the reason why French school’s disequilibrium approach failed as research program.

        If you are indicating Benassy’s Macroeconomic Theory, it is much more disappointing as far as I see the table of contents.

        My knowledge in this field is based on my learning in 1980’s. If there is a remarkable development since then, please teach me.

    • Gerald Holtham
      July 14, 2022 at 12:54 am

      Nelson and Winter demonstrated by simulation that plausible and sensible decision rules that firms might adopt (stylizations of their empirical observations) could lead to an equilibrium when tastes, populations and technology were unchanging. But throwing in changes in technology and tastes mean those decision rules never achieved convergence to an equilibrium or steady state. The situation was not explosive but went along in a continuous state of disequilibrium where some agents were being surprised and having to change their methods. That evidently corresponds to reality. You can fine-tune an over-parametized model to reproduce any historical episode but such models have no predictive ability and the behavioral school, while correct in some sense, has not come up with theorems or catchy generalizations to replace or even supplement the stuff found in economics text books.

  2. yoshinorishiozawa
    April 3, 2022 at 7:59 am

    [M]ainstream economists gladly continue to use it, as though its deficiencies were unknown or unheard of.

    [T]hat cannot be the right attitude when facing scientific anomalies. When models are plainly wrong, you’d better replace them!

    Yes, these attitudes of the majority of economists can be explained by “the vested interests” to think “in familiar ways of doing things”, as Romar Correa rightly pointed out. This is also the reason why I repeatedly emphasized the necessity to presents an alterantive theory or frame work of analysis. An old dictum expressed this fact: It takes a theory to beat a theory. (Probably I cited this phrase more than five times in my comments to Lars Syll’s posts.)

    Although these things are now very clear for most of RWER-blog readers, Lars Syll and a few of his followers refuse to acknowledge it and continue endlessly to repeat that there are this and that deficiencies. Even many (perhaps the majority) of neoclassical economists know it, but they stick to the old framework because there are no alternatives by which to start thinking.

    Even Lars Syll knows some aspect of this situation, when he writes “When models are plainly wrong, you’d better replace them!”. Yes, but replace with what? He should argue how we get this alternative, instead of endlessly repeating to talk about deficiencies of neoclassical economics. (They may be necessary for new young students, but not for readers of this RWER-Blog. Most of RWER-Blog readers already know it.) The post of April 2, 2022 is a bit better than older ones, because he cites some of counter-arguments of those who gave alternative theories but those citations are still at the level of refutations and not a presentation of a new alternative theory.

    N.B. Romar Correa’s comment on the aggregate production function (APF) is not very correct. Leontief system is a part of an alternative to the APF theory of distribution and growth, but it requires a system of concepts and theories around it. Our book with Morioka and Taniguchi on Microfoundations of Evolutionary Economics is such an attempt. See a symposium here for arguments and assessments on this book. In this field, we have now a much more solid alternative than arguments based on APFs.

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