Mainstream economics — sacrificing realism at the altar of mathematical purity
from Lars Syll
This critique goes beyond the narrowly technical — that the workhorse neoclassical model of the economy was found to be lame when it came to running a real crisis race. The deeper critique is that these models, and the technical language that accompanies them, have played a role in policy and in society that has been disproportionate in two senses. First, disproportionate relative to our state of knowledge. Existing economic frameworks have shouldered a policy weight that is simply too great for them to bear, given the degree of uncertainty and fragility that surrounds them. Second, disproportionate because these frameworks placed an excessive degree of policy power in the hands of the technocrats wielding them …
Mainstream economic models have sacrificed too much realism at the altar of mathematical purity. Their various simplifying assumptions have served aesthetic rather than practical ends. As a profession, economics has become too much of a methodological monoculture. And that lack of intellectual diversity cost the profession dear when the single crop failed spectacularly during the crisis. This monoculture, it is argued, has also narrowed the economics curriculum in universities. This has generated an ever greater focus on the mathematical gymnastics of optimising models and too little focus on the everyday aerobics of how the economy functions. Accompanying this has been a neglect of disciplines that abut and illuminate economics: economic history, moral philosophy, money and banking, radical uncertainty, non-rational expectations. In short, neglect of the very things that make economics interesting and economies important.
Andrew Haldane (former chief economist at BoE)
Difficult to overcome an ideology, as supported by single interest (self-interest only) theory in Microecomics. Some of us have tried, as with dual interest (joint self & shared other-interest) theory in Metaeconomics, based in the empirical science of Behavioral Economics. Few are seemingly willing to try even the most viable of alternatives, like Metaeconomics, perhaps because Microeconomics fits the ideology of the person using it. If intrigued with moving away from economic ideology hidden in the theory of Microeconomics, see https://www.metaeconomics.info and the Blog (including reference to the new Metaeconomics book) at said site. It works, solves dozens of paradoxes and puzzles, and holds up to empirical test. It could go a long ways to supplementing if not replacing mainstream Microeconomics, and, as a result, also returning economics to the realm of science rather than mere ideology.
“Existing economic frameworks have shouldered a policy weight that is simply too great for them to bear”.
That is too kind. Real economies show behaviour that is *radically* different from “existing economic frameworks” – far from equilibrium versus near-equilibrium, wild horses modelled as a rocking horse.
“Existing economic frameworks” cannot yield a financial market crash, a major dysfunction of present financialised economies. They are worse than useless.
Aesthetics is only part of the problem. The other part is that the history of neoclassical theory is a history of desperately excluding anything that will upset the general equilibrium, and thus invalidate the neoliberal/libertarian ideology.
Exactly. It is about upsetting, invalidating the neoliberal/libertarian ideology: Single interest theory in Microeconomics supports the ideology, so, the theory is impermeable to any change. And, every attempt to suggest alternative theory (like dual interest theory) has been in effect ignored, even though supported in Behavioral Economics Science which has consistenty demonstrated the weak, virtually nonexistent scientific foundation of mainstream economics. Behavioral Economics uses data and empirical analysis, testing ideologies. I have experienced it at a very personal level, with my empirical work (which eventually led to develping dual interest theory) rejected over and over again (except in the heterodox literature, where it is published)
Geoff, chill out! Yes, things are obviously as bad as you say but at your age, can you afford to get this steamed about anything? Grabbing the baton from your trembling fingers, I’d like to chime in with this: It has become clear to me that the history and present condition of conventional economics show that for reasons the reader is left to work out for him or herself, the so-called discipline of economics was deliberately shaped and guided so as to create a professional class of people who will dependably fail to understand certain things and who will never ask certain kinds of questoins. Whatever you may think of economics, you gotta hand it to them. This is a truly marvelous achievement!
Marvelous achievement at brain washing generations of young people to believer in the ideology of self-interest. Every Microeconomics text and Econ 101 course is about preaching the ideology of self-interest. It encourages the Econ and denies that most people are better described as a Human (the latter having both self & other-interest, I&We, person&community, and, writ large, seeing a role for a joint market&government, not just the self-interest of the market).
Well thank you for your concern deshoe. I’ll leave aside the implication about my being of a certain age and just assure you that I’ve saying these things for so long they just roll out without me getting steamed up at all. Just put it out again, and again, … in hopes a few more souls might notice. But thanks for joining the little chorus.
The problem is that single interest theory in Microeconomics is an ideology, not based in empirical science. Try dual interest theory in Metaeconomics: It brings empirical data, analysis back intro view, as in Behavioral Economics science. To get started, see https://www.metaeconomics.info.
no achievement at all. That is why I became an historian. My conclusions about the contemporay worllf have beeb spot on. I’ am 90.
And thank you for your insightful inputs here Robert.
I second Geoff’s appreciation of Robert. I think it would be nice to see a collection of his wisdom over the years. Perhaps someday I can put one together.
Thank you Robert ,June 6,2022at 5.33 am
While i support much of what Geoff Davies writes their are some their I would like to discuss with him some day eg the importance of looking after trees once you have planted them and doing it on a much greater scale than at present.
re Meta Capitalism a great idea because in my humble opinion i think history explains how we have arrived at the present and is an answer to the to the political ideological and BS proper gander the public are fed with. For example Putins justification for murduring and making homeless millions of people while he makes all sorts of dire threats of what he might make to those who might stand up to him .MY challenge to the coming G20 is whether he attends it or not is to condemn his actions. At 86 i do not have a great deal to telling the truth as i see it, yesterday i had another spinal injection this morning i am of to the compuuttor technician for its jab. thank you all Ted
Did Metacapitalism remind Lars Syll of his old post some six years ago?
It would be sufficient for me to cite Dave Marsey’s comment on Syll’s post on 23 Nov, 2016:
The following is a more recent comment by (Anwar?) Shaikh on 3 Jun, 2022 on Syll’s blog:
You are confused. metaecongary posted. You are projecting again :-)
Shiozawa included his own words in th comment by Anwar (shaikh945):
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Shiozawa’s comment above:
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Most interesting though is Nanikore’s reply which goes to the core of problem.
Meta,
you posted on May 31, 2022 at 2:02 am in a comment to Neva Goodwin’s Contextual economics on May 30, 2022 and cited a paragraph from Andrew Haldane:
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If this is a pure coincidence, you were truly prescient. Or do you and Lars have a strange wave of thinking synchronicity?
What I am saying is that you may have stimulated Lars Syll to repeat the present topic. It is almost evident that he read your comment.
The citation from Shaikh I made in my comment above on June 6, 2022 at 10:24 am contains an error. The last tree lines were mine and not Shiakh’s. So the correct citation is
“Mainstream economic models have sacrificed too much realism at the altar of mathematical purity. Their various simplifying assumptions have served aesthetic rather than practical ends.”
As I argued elsewhere, if we do not see that the real problem of modern economics is ideological and that it has become, as such, primarily an ideological tool and not a way to inquire into reality, we will keep trying to discuss it in terms of science as if it were a science. It is not. It is about power and policy, not about knowledge. The way economics has become is not just a matter of incomplete understanding of reality. That is why the analogy between Medieval Theology and modern Economics is not just a curiosity or paradox, but a serious matter… I have discussed this more in detail elsewhere: http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue97/Stahel97.pdf
Exactly. It is an ideology favoring libertarians, with said philosophy driving the self-interest. Mathematical Metaeconomics (using dual interest theory) fixes the problem, shifting to the empirica question of the best balance in self & other (shared with others, with the community of shared)-interest. What balance works best, pragmatically (pragmatism) speaking? Mathematics can be used to guide what empirical question to ask, including which philosophy works best.
Mathematics is not the problem: The problem is in not reflecting the true nature of human nature (a Human has dual interest, not just self-interest), and, in presuming (without empirical test) that libertarian philosophy, framing is somehow the best.
Try Mathematical Metaeconomics: It works, standing-up to empirical test, including giving a framework for examining which point on the ideological spectrum works best for each situation in question. And, generally, writ large, it points to the search for good balance in joint market & government, each now deemed essential to the other.
Look forward to reading your book.
I really enjoy reading your blog. You clearly don’t fence off the important issues. Look forward to reading your book. Does it address the topic of degrowth?
Metacapitalism: Good to hear you are finding the Blog intriguing. It actually has surprised me, as to how Dual Interest Theory works so well, bringing new insights into every economic issue one tackles. My hypothesis is: Real Humans have dual interess, so, a theory reflecting that reality just works better.
On degrowth: Well, indirectly, it is in a sense built into the framework because it acknowleges 1st and 2nd law thermodynamics, as in Ecological Economics. The notion of empathy -based other-interest also means empathy with the various components of the Spaceship system, so, growth must be tempered by same. Unfettered growth is not consistent with the essential need to temper it with the shared other-interest, including especially the shared other-interest with other living systems on the Spaceship on which we Travel around the Sun!
Andri,
I am reading your paper: “Has economics become a new theology?” The parable is superb.
Metaecon,
I have a trouble in accessing your web site. So, let me explain in short how you are planning to reconstruct the economics. Admitting that humans have dual interest, how does it change the economics? Does your price theory (or any other topics in economics such as growth theory, unemployment, theory of firms, etc.) become much different from the existing one?
Website link is https://www.metaeconomics.info/. There is also a new book available through various sources (see the first Post in the Metaeconomics Blog). Metaeconomics: Tempering Excessive Greed, which builds on a large literature, lots of journal references (including my own papers) used to build and support dual interest theory which is built on an empirical foundation.
And, yes, it changes the outcome of the economic analysis of virtually every economic question. Why? Mainly because it does not predetermine the outcome as does the ideology of self-interest represented in Microeconomics. The outcome is determined by empirical analysis using data. Also, it deals with the biological, neuroligical reality of how the Human brain has evolved, with the two tendencies of ego-based self-interest (primal) which must be tempered by, balanced with empathy-based other (shared with the other, that which the other can go along with)-interest. And, again, how it is balanced in each question is an empirical question, not an ideological claim.
Tempering the excesses is key in considering the big questions, like economic growth, unemployment and the role of labor generally, and, well, the theory of firms is hugely different because firms must pay attention to that which is shared with other firms, the Spaceship system within which firms are embedded, and, with the consumer. Bringing the shared other – interest — empathy based ethics — into view changes the entire frame of economics.
Thank you, Metaecon.
I found an interesting paper on Metaeconomics:
Becchio, G. 2009 A Historial note on the original meaning of metaeconomics. INTELLECTUAL ECONOMICS 1(5): 7–11.
Yes. I cite Becchio (2009), and use a lot of the content of it, in my Metaeconomics book, tracing the history of the use of the construct. The framework has an intriguing history, now having a specific theory (dual interest theory) embedded within it..
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Thank you Shiozawa for pointing out this paper. Metaecon, I look forward to reading your book as soon as I can get access to a copy. That may prove difficult though.
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The “re-embedding ethics into economics” is a subject I take great interest in. Adam Smith wrote two books, the more important of which was his “Theory of Moral Sentiments.” He addressed the social aspect and potential abuses of capitalism in this work. The work by Smith & Wilson is about this side of Adam Smith. I look forward to reading the list below along with your book and comparing them.
I am personally interested in degrowth and the civil economy and how new business models based upon local economic renewal can be created in such places as Japan and rural America.
A few references:
1. Arvidsson, Adam and Peitersen Nicolai. The Ethical Economy [Rebuilding Value After the Crisis]. New York: Columbia University Press; 2013.
2. Bruni, Luigino and Zamagni Stefano. Civil Economy [Another Idea of the Market]. Barth Lane, Newcastle upon Tyne: Agenda Publishing; 2016; c2015.
3. Fridenson, Patrick and Takeom Kikkawa. Ethical Capitalism [Shibusawa Eiichi and Business Leadership in Global Perspective]. Toronto: University of Toronto Press; 2017.
4. Nelson, Robert H. Economics as Religion [From Samuelson to Chicago and Beyond]. University Park: Pen State Press; 2001.
5. Sedlacek, Tomas. Economics of Good and Evil [The Quest for Economic Meaning from Gilgamesh to Wall Street]. New York: Oxford University Press; 2011.
6. Smith, Vernon L. and Wilson, Bart J. Humanomics [Moral Sentiments and the Wealth of Nations for the Twenty-First Century]. Kindle Edition ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2019.
Since some commenters here seem to misinterpret yours truly’s view on the use onf mathematics in social sciences, I take the opportunity to make some clarifications.
As social researchers, we should never equate science with mathematics and statistical calculation. All science entails human judgment, and using mathematical and statistical models doesn’t relieve us of that necessity. They are no substitutes for doing real science. Mathematics is ONE valuable tool among other valuable tools for understanding and explaining things in economics. What is, however, totally wrong, are the utterly simplistic beliefs that “math is the ONLY valid tool”, “math is always and everywhere self-evidently applicable”, “math is all that really counts”, “if it’s not in math, it’s not really economics”.And let us never forget that math cannot establish the truth value of a fact. It never has, and never will.
It is much clear, Lars.
All right! Mathematics is ONE valuable tool among other valuable tools for understanding and explaining things in economics. So, you approve that mathematics is a valuable tool for understanding and explaining things in economics.
You emphasized that
As a caricature of neoclassical economics, you may contend so. But, it is a sheer scarecrow. Who, among great neoclassical economists of the scale of Paul Samuelson, Kenneth Arrow, and Frank Hahn, claimed that “math is the ONLY valid tool” in economics? Who contended that “math is all that really counts”? I want to know who did. (One possibility is Gerard Debreu who was a mathematician rather than an economist. Stephen Smale is really a great mathematician but I doubt if he is a good economist. But, I do not know if they have ever stated any of silly contentions as you have stated.)
Perhaps there are some silly students or premature economists who stated such claims. But, it it a good strategy to denounce such silly people’s idea? In my opinion, we must prove that neoclassical economics at its best level is nonetheless completely wrong. We have plenty of topics to say on this direction: aggregate production function, demand and supply function, decreasing returns to scale, equilibrium and disequilibrium framework, rational economic man (or woman) (as compared to Simon’s bounded rationality), and etc. Why don’t you attack directly the essential core of neoclassical economics?
Lars Syll pointed in the above reply:
It seems I made a mistake in putting my closing tag in correct spelling.
Lars Syll pointed in the above reply:
It is probable that Lars Syll has been influenced by Tony Lawson, who advanced a similar claim such as this one:
Although Lawson cited his books, at least as far as I see Lawson (1997), it seems no clear citations with this claims from someone of major mainstream economists. I cannot tell if he has shown in Lawson (2003) (because I have no copy with me) any evidence that someone of big scale had stated a silly statement as Syll claimed. We must ask who really did.
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Context counts. The Middle Ages overflowed with the numbers of dancing angels on the head of a pin …
Agenda for constructing evidence-based economics
I almost agree with the first paragraph of Lars’s post above:
Micheal Joffe in the home page of his website evidence based economics proposes:
It is my humble proposal that we should make a bridge between two positions (one of critical realists including Lars Syll, Tony Lawson, and Roy Bhaskhar and the other of evidence-based economics that Joffe proposes). This is not an easy work. There is no ready-made method in this work. As Bhaskhar put it, “science is work that requires creative intelligence” (Bhaskhar, A realist theory of science, Verso 2008, p.168). Abduction, if it is successful, is one of such methods or rather endeavors.
The most important issue, or the basic issue, as Joffe put it, would be “where does theory come from?”. This “theory” must be different from its normal “usage in economics, where theory is taken to be a model, a collection of models, or a modelling approach.” We need a fundamental change of our perspective. A hint is given by Joffe:
Although there is no easy, ready-made, method to make a bridge between realist explanations and evidence, let us call for the moment evidence-based economics that tries to do so. Then, in addition to changes of perspective, we need a change of what we aim to explain. This is the question of agenda for building evidence-based economics.
The agenda may be divided into two: one is a negative list and the other is a positive list.
A negative list of the Agenda
(1) Abandon macroeconomic forecasting. Let it be the business of forecasting organizations.
(2) Abandon a closed complete explanation of an economy or an economic phenomenon.
(3) Abandon Walrasian hypothesis that everything depends on everything.
(4) Avoid choosing an explanation by normative evaluation. Avoid wishful thinking.
(5) Acknowledge that a theory may not directly be applicable to policies.
A positive list of the Agenda
(1) Be content to find a short chain of close and strong causation.
(2) Try to find new and various types of evidence.
(3) Learn from history of economics and other sciences, because knowledge is produced by means of knowledge.
(4) Accumulate various stylized facts and histories of how things became to take the present form.
(5) Try to find or construct a coherent theory that is compatible with various kinds of facts and (accepted or acceptable) theories.
(6) Compare the explanation with various other explanations that give the same effect.
(7) Our account of how the economy works must be based on evidence.
Both of these lists are tentative ones. First of all, I must explain what I mean in each item. But I avoid doing that, because my post is already sufficiently long.
I welcome questions and comments both pros and cons on each item of the lists. I may add necessary explanations (reasons of why I included each of them and significance I expect from it). Someone may propose to add new items and some others may propose to eliminate some of present items.
Exhibit #1:
Exhibit #2:
The best source for an overview of Michael Joffe’s (2017) analysis of what evidence-based economics can aspire to be like is published on “Cogent Economics & Finance” as “Causal theories, models and evidence in economics—some reflections from the natural sciences.” I have read it carefully and it offers some good insights.
The first point of my negative list requires an explanation, because macroeconomic forecasting is believed by majority of macroeconomists as the main objective of their research. However, the history of macroeconomics tells that many challenges were simply speaking a failure. Lawrence Klein (Nobel prize 1980) believed that we can get a better result if once we can increase the number of variables becomes bigger and cover major countries. This research program was a failure, because Klein and his group could not ameliorate their prediction by increasing the size (more than one thousand) of their model. New classical economists recommended a small model but the result was no better.
It may be time to abandon this research program and divert our attention to other economic phenomena. Few efforts were paid to find steady relations between small number of more concrete variables for a small part of the economy. I know every thing is related to everything in the economy, but that does not exclude that we can find an underlying mechanism that governs the causality, but for a small part of the whole economy.
Thank you, Yoshinori and Meta capitalism, for your comments on my work. I am especially interested to see Yoshinori’s “Agenda for constructing evidence-based economics”. On the idea of a “bridge” between evidence-based economics and critical realism, I’m not sure how much of a gap there is to bridge – I am very much a realist, concerned “to identify and explain the underlying structures/forces/powers/mechanisms that produce the observed events”. Whether evidence-based economics is different from critical realism, and if so what the differences are, is unclear to me – probably I don’t know enough about critical realism.
I would particularly like to highlight “avoid wishful thinking” in Yoshinori’s negative list, in #4. We need to apply this to ourselves, as well as to our opponents. When our investigations lead to a conclusion that we don’t like, i.e. it doesn’t fit well with our own values and political beliefs, it is painful. But to accept that the conclusion is correct because it is what the evidence says shows that we are doing science not ideology, which is good. I found myself in this situation when I realised that capitalism has had some positive impacts on overcoming absolute poverty, and that this was due to the invention and development of the capitalist firm, starting in the industrial revolution, enabling systemic long-term cost competition which makes price reductions possible. (I won’t digress into all the things I dislike about capitalism, which I am tempted to do in order to show I’m not a “baddie”.)
Another example relates to Marx himself. Engels – who cannot be accused of being anti-Marx – added a note to the 3rd German edition of Das Kapital volume I: “the case considered here on pages 433-6 is also excluded here, of course”. (Page numbers refer to the Penguin edition, 1976.) These pages deal with cheapening, i.e. price falls, that occur due to productivity gains – the underlying causal process behind the increased prosperity that capitalism, when successful, has brought. But once Marx gets to formulating his theory in terms of a verbal model, in chapter 17 (starting on p655, where Engels’s note is mentioned), he jettisons this productivity/cheapening dynamic – a pity, because this is one of the most important causal forces in economics if not the most important, as it has transformed the economies of many countries – for good or ill – “ill” because it made consumer society possible and this is destroying the world. I interpret this methodological oversight as Marx’s desire for a parsimonious model, leading him to oversimplify his analysis and make it tractable. So, his modelling leads him away from his brilliant causal analysis in the earlier part of the book. The theme of modelling and its problems, a major theme at the start of this thread, thus applies not only to neoclassical economics but also to Marx – even without it taking a mathematic form. This methodology is familiar in economics, but it didn’t start with neoclassical theory – it goes back at least to Ricardo, but that’s another story.
But I am more interested in how to proceed in developing good theory (selective replacement mode) than in criticising existing practices (reactive mode). Which brings me to Yoshinori’s positive list. As he says, there is quite a lot of relevant material on my website https://evidence-based-economics.org/. One thing is that despite the name, which stresses evidence, this perspective favours an *iterative* process between evidence and theorising; either of them can come first – see my 2017 paper “Causal theories, models and evidence in economics—some reflections from the natural sciences” mentioned by Meta capitalism above. It’s at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23322039.2017.1280983.
One point that I don’t think I’ve ever mentioned – it seemed too obvious from my viewpoint as a former biologist – is that all the components of a theory need to correspond with something that actually exists in the real world. An example is price setting – quite an important topic for economics! I’ll pass rapidly over the neoclassical view that the ideal economy (!! – a normative idea masquerading as positive economics) is made up of price takers, so that apparently there is no possibility of anyone actually setting prices – it is too ridiculous to spend time on. But there is little in the literature that I’ve been able to find that gives a realistic account of price setting. An alternative, based on “prices of production”, is also problematic, because the various versions of this idea include the idea of a “general rate of profit”, which has been rejected as an unrealistic concept, e.g. by Machover. My statistical analysis of profit rates (currently in revision) confirms Machover’s point: although one can of course calculate an average profit rate, it doesn’t correspond to anything real, it only has an abstract meaning. Unfortunately, everything I’ve said so far on price setting is negative, in reactive mode. The one positive contribution I can find is Fred Lee’s work on how firms actually set prices – which unfortunately is called “Post-Keynesian price theory”, instead of positioning itself as a pioneer work in evidence-based economics. Does anyone know of anything else that makes a positive contribution to a theory of price setting?
One can find some good practice of evidence-based economics, e.g. on how money is created in the modern economy (“Where does money come from?” by Josh Ryan-Collins et al), and on the rise of the state (“Growing public” by Peter Lindert). But these seem to be rare positive examples. I would like to find examples in, for example, growth theory, unemployment, and the theory of the firm – which are inter-connected, and related also to price setting. Any suggestions?
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I would submit that evidence-based economics (or science in general) must be contextual. For example, take the price setting example mentioned above. Firms use different methods and reasons in different contexts. If you are a monopoly, you can pretty much set prices as one pleases. Many firms use standard cost accounting to set prices, as one among other strategies.
I would like to find examples in, for example, growth theory, unemployment, and the theory of the firm – which are inter-connected, and related also to price setting. Any suggestions?
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Good economics addresses real-world problems in context. I would add problems that matter to real humans and the quality of their lives in provisioning for themselves, loved ones, and society in general. One that does a great job is David Weil’s The Fissured Workplace. He documents a very real cause of the decline in quality employment and the rise of the precarious worker.
A comment on evidencebas‘s following part in the above post:
This question does not stop by price-setting alone. A new understanding on the functions of the whole market system is concerned. It can be solved only by rightly recognizing the roles of price and quantity adjustment.
I know Fred Lee’s Post Keynesian Price Theory. This is a rare or a unique book on price theory written by Post Keynesians, because majority of them only refuse to consider it by saying there are emerging properties in the systems and analyzing individual behavior of agents is useless. However, Lee’s work is not completely isolated. I am sorry for this ling citation but please read the following introduction of our book (Shiozawa, Morioka and Taniguchi 1919) in Marc Lavoie (2022) Post-Keynesian Economics [2nd edition]:
Thank you again, Evidencebas, for your two Replies. This is a supplementary comment on the following part in your comment on July 1, 2022 at 1:13 am:
Do you mean by “Machover” Moshé Machover, who wrote with Emmanuel Farjourns the book Laws of Chaos: A probabilistic approach to political economy (1983). I never read his book or papers before, as this was the first time that I came to know his name. If I am right, I answer in three points:
(1) I agree with you and Machover that the uniformity of the profit rates is rather an assumption that is posed for the simplicity of theory making, but not based on evidence. The so-called the tendency law of convergence to a uniform rate of profit is difficult to observe. The production price is rather an imaginative construction when one wants to see how the state of distribution changes when the uniform rate of profit changes.
(2) As for Machover’s claim that the profit rate is a random variable, I do not believe that it can be studied better with this view than by other methods. It can be treated as such (i.e. as a random variable that obeys a statistical law), but the useful range of such investigation would not be very wide. As an example, let me cite Mantegna and Stanley’s Introduction to Econophyics: Correlations and Complexity in Finance). It is an astonishingly beautiful research that I loved much. But, it is doubtful if this method alone contributes to elucidate the finance economy very much. It reveals only a specific aspect of finance.
(3a) My theory of prices (a variant of the “cost of production theory of prices” after Ricardo) does not assume the uniformity of profit rate. Each firm set prices after markup method based on come calculation of unit cost of production (the best must be the “normal” cost, but it depends on firms). You have referred to Frederic Lee’s Post Keynesian Price Theory. It is a great work but his interest is limited only to the price setting. There is no theory on what kind of effects this price setting induces to the economy as a whole. We cannot observe the relations they produce. What I am interested of is this structure and effects. I have developed in Chapter 2 of our book Microfoundations of Evolutionary Economics a theory that may contribute to understand how prices work in the economy The prices there are in principle actual prices (and not production prices that do not arrive forever), as Marc Lavoie emphasized it by putting “is” in italics (in the expression “is the actual price”) in his introduction to our book (cited in my reply above on July 7, 2022 at 4:24 pm).
(3b) As you repeatedly say, a (but probably the most important) function of an economic theory is to explain how the economy works in a causal way. You emphasized the importance of technological progress as one of factors that explain the economic growth after the Industrial Revolution. My theory of prices (“minimal price theorem” in particular) can contribute to explain how technological progress is related to the income growth per worker. See my paper: A new framework for anayzing technological change in Journal of Evolutionary Economics 30(4-5): 989-1034, 2020. In my not-so humble opinion, it is rare to read this kind of causal explanations although there are large literature that emphasizes the importance of technological change on economic growth.
I have read two papers that argue Evidence-Based Economics:
Julian Reiss 2004 Evidence-Based Economics / Issues and Some Preliminary Answers. Amalyzse & Kritik 26: 346–363.
Click to access 56c1d9f42f160_ak_reiss_2004.pdf
Stefano Gori 2017 A Manifesto for a paradigm shift from traditional Economics to Evidence Based Economics.
https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1zc3386r
Although Gori refers to Reiss, their orientations seem to be very different. In my impression, Reis seems to be too much concentrated on measurement and related questions and thus excluding diverse mechanisms in the economy that we may study from Evidence-Based Economics view point. Gori is more indicative than imperative and presents some new attitude towards possible research in Economics.
If I compare Reiss (2004) and Gori (2017) with Joffe (2017), there seem to be a large gap between two or three research orientations. This variety of orientations seems not bad. It may be even promising. I wonder what readers of this page consider comparing these papers.
In the conclusion of Gori’s paper, there is an impressive phrase that he hints to be a slogan in the code of conduct for economic profession:
I agree with this slogan, because too many arguments in this forum are policy-oriented and have little interest on how our economy works. Macroeconomics (in the mainstream economics) makes mainly as astrological prediction for ruling elites, whereas many arguments in heterodox economics and more naive arguments that claim for a better and decent economy are also a kind of astrology because they lack good observations on how the economy works.
The slogan has a close link with number (5) of my negative list in my agenda for constructing evidence-based economics on June 13, 2022 at 8:22 am.
See also my past arguments here, the part after the line title Macroeconomics as astrology in particular.
It is indeed Moshe Machover who I am referring to, but I don’t know where he said it – I saw him quoted somewhere else. I don’t necessarily agree fully with Machover and Farjoun about the value of seeing the profit rate as a random variable – I read their book a long time ago, and have learnt a lot about the profit rate since then. I need to think about that.
I quoted him because the realization that there is no such thing as “the” profit rate seems not to have reached many economists, of any persuasion – if anyone knows of anyone else who has said something along these lines, I’d be very interested to hear about it. My statistical analysis that is in revision makes it abundantly clear empirically that the profit rate is *very* variable between industries, even just in US manufacturing, and the dispersion within each industry must also be great (I didn’t analyse that).
On the question of Fred Lee, yes his book is limited to price setting. I once suggested to him that something similar needs to be done on the profit rate. He said doing it just for price setting was enough for one person – his book is based on a lot of work (probably also tedious work in collecting and collating the various studies, but he didn’t say that).
Thank you Yoshinori for your relatively concise statement of the approach you use in your work. Also, I have downloaded your paper “A new framework for analysing technological change”, and look forward very much to reading it.